Archive for February, 2011
The funds, $246.6 million of which is a grant, will be used by districts to improve education, health, agriculture, water and sanitation, and rural roads, the Washington-based bank said in an e-mailed statement today.
Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous nation, will also contribute $523 million to the Protection of Basic Services program that runs until July 2012, while other donors, such as the U.S. and the European Union, have given $131.7 million.
The Horn of Africa nation, one of the world’s biggest recipients of aid, has made progress against development goals, although it has been criticized by campaign groups for human rights abuses and political repression.
Primary school enrollment increased to 87.9 percent from 68.5 percent in the five years through 2010, the child immunization rate rose to 82 percent from 70 percent, while rural access to drinking water increased to 65.8 percent from 46 percent, according to the statement. Budget transparency and accountability have also improved, the bank said.
Improving the quality of education should be a focus, according to the bank’s country director, Ken Ohashi.
“Expanding access has been the relatively easy part,” he said in the statement. “Increasingly, the challenge is quality.”
A “large component” of funds will continue to go toward “strengthening accountability and transparency systems,” Ohashi said in a phone interview today from Addis Ababa, the capital. “We do recognize there are concerns and we are working on that.”
In October, New York-based Human Rights Watch accused donor-funded programs, including the Protection of Basic Services, of being used by the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front to maintain control by denying political opponents access to resources and services.
The allegations were rejected by the government.
To contact the reporter on this story: William Davison in Addis Ababa via Johannesburg at email@example.com.
Gold is now Ethiopia’s second largest export item as well as the country’s second foreign exchange earner, after coffee.
The country has tried to diversify its coffee dominated agricultural sector by encouraging the export of oil seeds, live animals, hides and skins and khat, a mild narcotic. Very recently flower was listed as one of the country’s main foreign currency generating export items.
The Trade Ministry’s report shows that gold is now the country’s second foreign currency earner securing US$ 179.2 million of the total export revenue generated within the six month period.
Coffee, the country’s main foreign currency earner, maintained its leading position with US$ 320 million, the report revealed.
According to this year’s 6-month export performance data, obtained from the of Ministry of Trade, oil seeds, which was the second largest export item last year in terms of foreign exchange earnings, lost its place to gold and is now listed as Ethiopia’s 4th foreign exchange earner.
The country earned US$ 76.6 million from the export of live animals (in 5th place), followed by flower exports with US$ 76.5 million.
The rise in gold export earnings, in the last two years alone, shows a dramatic change for Ethiopia’s agriculture based economy. The precious metal generated US$ 300 million in the 2009/10 fiscal year, almost tripling the US$ 105 million earned in the 2008/09 fiscal year.
Ethiopia’s mining sector has recently been attracting foreign mining companies. And Monday, the London-listed gold exploration firm, Stratex International Plc announced its plan to start mining gold and silver in the northern part of Ethiopia.
Stratex said in a statement that it had acquired 75 per cent of the AbiAdi project in northern Ethiopia which has a significant corridor of high-grade gold-silver deposits.
by Jason Hickel
The last decade has seen a remarkable surge in U.S. economic interest in the continent of Africa. Policymakers who once considered Africa the languid backwater of global economics are now rushing in to stake a claim in the continent’s enormous resource endowment. Most of this effort operates with a rhetoric focused on “partnership” and “development,” with the vision of using US trade and investment to lift Africans out of poverty. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton exemplified this attitude when she spoke last year at a US-Africa trade policy forum, saying, “Let’s help each other make Africa all that it can be.”
But a quick look at the trade policy itself shows that this sugary rhetoric of American benevolence and concern for African welfare is deeply misleading. It does little more than cloak an agenda firmly rooted in economic realpolitik. Michael Battle, the U.S. Ambassador to the African Union, has revealed the blunt urgency of this agenda in a candid but troubling statement: “If we don’t invest on the African continent now, we will find that China and India have absorbed its resources without us, and we will wake up and wonder what happened to our golden opportunity of investment.”
The centerpiece of U.S. trade policy for Africa is the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Signed into law by President Clinton in 2000, AGOA is, according to Congress, “perhaps the most significant American initiative on Africa in our country’s history.” It provides trade preferences for duty-free entry into the United States for certain goods from sub-Saharan Africa, which is touted as a way to boost African business by encouraging exports. President Bush signed the AGOA Acceleration Act of 2004, which extends the policy until 2015.
The Big Catch
It’s hard to quarrel with the idea that reduced trade barriers around American markets would be a boon for African exporters. The quintessential example is Lesotho, whose textile industry has flourished since joining AGOA and now exports more than $400 million worth of garment manufactures to the United States annually.
But there’s a catch. The U.S. president reserves the right to reevaluate each country for AGOA eligibility on an annual basis; 41 made the cut last year. In order to qualify, African countries have to meet a specific set of stringent “conditions.” Topping the list is the requirement that the beneficiary promote “a market-based economy that protects private property rights… and minimizes government interference in the economy through such measures as price controls, subsidies, and government ownership of economic assets.” In addition – and here’s the big one – the beneficiary must make progress toward “the elimination of barriers to United States trade and investment.”
In other words, AGOA eligibility requires not just mild economic deregulation but the outright destruction of any and all tariff protections, flinging open African markets to a flood of American goods that inevitably undermine local industry. And African countries don’t really have a choice in the matter, for if they refuse to meet these conditions, they effectively forfeit their access to the American market. For all of the positive spin that U.S. policymakers put on AGOA, nobody ever so much as mentions these draconian measures, which are easily as destructive as the dreaded “structural adjustment” conditions that the International Monetary Fund attaches to its loans. Essentially, AGOA amounts to a coercive free trade agreement with most of the subcontinent.
Given that AGOA requires its beneficiaries to eliminate barriers to U.S. investment, it’s not surprising that the balance of trade comes out strongly in favor of the United States. Trade data shows that Benin, for example, has exported almost nothing to the United States since it became an AGOA member, but has imported some $600 million worth of U.S. goods that have significantly undercut local producers. Some countries do actually export a great deal under AGOA rules – but only those with substantial petroleum and mineral deposits. Take Angola, for instance; 99 percent of all of Angola’s exports under AGOA have been energy-related. In the Congo, that number reaches closer to 100 percent. The same is true of Nigeria, Botswana, and every other country with an oil and mineral portfolio. Indeed, more than 80 percent of all exports under AGOA fall under this sector.
AGOA, in other words, is designed to pry open new markets for U.S. goods while making it easier for the United States to extract oil and minerals. And since most of Africa’s oil and minerals are controlled by Western corporations like Exxon, Shell, and Anglo-American, this is hardly an arrangement designed to benefit African businesses.
If that’s the tragedy, then here’s the farce. AGOA actually does include a number of progressive conditions for membership. In order to qualify, beneficiaries must develop “economic policies to reduce poverty,” uphold “the rule of law, political pluralism, and the right of due process, a fair trial, and equal protection,” construct “a system to combat corruption and bribery,” and refrain from “gross violations of human rights.” In addition, beneficiaries must implement “the protection of worker rights, including the right to organize and bargain collectively, a prohibition on the use of any form of forced or compulsory labor, a minimum age for the employment of children, and acceptable conditions of work with respect to minimum wages, hours of work, and occupational safety and health.”
In practice, however, none of this actually applies. Countries renowned for corruption, human rights abuses, and labor law violations are routinely approved for AGOA eligibility. Indeed, the countries with the most flagrant abuses are those that trade the most under AGOA, giving blatant lie to the claim that good governance is a necessary precondition for successful U.S. investment in Africa. Cameroon, for example, enjoys AGOA eligibility even though the government there rules an undemocratic, one-party state, regularly obstructs political meetings, harasses journalists, tortures human rights activists, and turns a blind eye to child labor. But it has a lot of oil.
Neighboring Chad also enjoys AGOA eligibility, despite rampant corruption and a long tradition of arbitrary detentions and extra-judicial killings. But it has the Chad-Cameroon pipeline – the single biggest US investment in Sub-Saharan Africa – and Bush and Obama have been devoted to protecting the project’s U.S. investors. Eritrea is another example. In 2003, the UN named Eritrea one of the “World’s Most Repressive Regimes.” But it gets AGOA eligibility in exchange for having joined “the coalition of the willing” during Bush’s war in Iraq. Burkina Faso, Angola, Swaziland, and the Congo all benefit from similar double standards.
The issue here is not just that the United States benefits from corrupt and repressive regimes, but that while AGOA claims to create incentives for political reform in Africa, it actually does the opposite. By encouraging the deregulation of oil- and mineral-based economies, AGOA contributes to the development of “rentier states” that do not have to rely on income taxes for their revenue. Such states have no incentive to build up a strong middle class, diversify their economies, or respond to the needs of their citizens In turn, citizens have no incentive to scrutinize government priorities. As the social contract between citizens and the state erodes, endemic corruption inevitably follows, and states become increasingly repressive in order to maintain their grip on power.
This is what economists call “the resource curse” or “the paradox of plenty.” An overreliance on huge oil and mineral deposits ends up generating corruption, inequality, and widespread poverty instead of positive development outcomes. This pattern contradicts the common assumption that economic liberalization translates into political freedom or democratic reforms.
Although AGOA purports to leverage exports as a way of boosting economic development in Africa, it does not stipulate that the exporting companies must be African. Indeed, most of them are American, Chinese, and Indian. The vast majority of beneficiaries under AGOA are not impoverished Africans, but wealthy foreign corporations. Indeed, AGOA’s insistence on the elimination of local trade barriers allows U.S. companies to bid freely on things like mineral concessions and government contracts. And given that these companies have deep capital reserves, they can usually win, effectively blocking out their African competitors.
In addition, when it comes to industries like textile manufacturing, AGOA stipulates that producers must use U.S. raw materials, which effectively blocks investment in local upstream sectors. Furthermore, because AGOA requires that goods exported to the United States “originate” in the host country, Chinese and Indian clothing manufacturers frequently label their goods “Made in Kenya” and transship them to the United States through Africa to get preferential treatment. The overall effect, then, is that AGOA does not create greater market share for African companies but actively diminishes it.
One might argue that regardless of where the investment comes from, at least it creates jobs. This may be true. But AGOA does not require that the new jobs go to Africans. Indeed, many of the extractive industries that benefit from AGOA import highly skilled labor from developed countries like the United States.
In Angola, for example, most of Exxon’s engineers are Americans. Furthermore, the jobs that AGOA does create for Africans are often deeply exploitative. AGOA has encouraged the development of Export Processing Zones (EPZs) across the continent, where labor laws are nearly non-existent and wages are rock-bottom in order to attract foreign manufacturers. In the textile industry, the net effect is that Asian sweatshops relocate to Africa to take advantage of AGOA incentives. In Kenya in 2006, the average wage of EPZ workers in Asian sweatshops was a paltry 20 cents per hour, which amounts to barely more than a dollar a day – the lowest wages in the country. Most EPZ workers – the majority of whom are women and doubly vulnerable to exploitation – have to work excessive overtime just to meet their basic needs, and live in constant danger of being laid off without compensation.
It doesn’t have to be this way. With a few thoughtful changes, AGOA could be used to make trade work for everyday Africans.
First, the economic liberalization condition should be dropped. Rich countries like the United States, Britain, Japan, and China initially used tariff protections and subsidies to promote their industries in the early stages of development; it’s cruel to deny those basic strategies to African countries desperately in need of development. Second, the political reform conditions should be taken seriously, and used to leverage best practices in human rights and labor law. Third, Local Content rules should require that all U.S. investments in Africa should tier up over a set period to at least 80 percent local labor and local contracts – characterized by genuine registration – and should require investment in local capacity where it proves too poor to meet the necessary standards. Finally, targeted quotas should be used to channel foreign investment to where it’s needed most, rather than to where the regulations are most relaxed.
But changes of this order are not on the horizon, for – as I have demonstrated – the United States is concerned less about the well-being of Africans than about meeting its own energy needs and promoting the interests of American corporations. We need to cut through the deceptive rhetoric of U.S. trade policy and ask the tough questions: Who really benefits from AGOA? Does AGOA enhance welfare and development, or facilitate extraction and exploitation?
As Ambassador Battle’s statement illustrates, the present trade arrangement between the United States and Africa is eerily reminiscent of the era of colonial conquest. In 1875, as Europe set its sights on Africa’s vast riches, King Leopold II of Belgium wrote to his ambassador in London, “I do not want to miss a good chance of getting us a slice of this magnificent African cake.” It’s America’s turn now, and it appears that the Obama administration – like Bush before him – is driven by a similarly disturbing vision: a new scramble for Africa.
By Getachew Teklu
You’ve probably seen the commercial: A woman, hanging from the side of a mountain, receives a text message on her cell phone. The message is from her bank, telling her that her account is about to be overdrawn. With just a few clicks on her phone, she transfers funds from her savings account to her checking account. Problem solved. She finishes her climb, confident that her financial life remains in order.
This scenario, though highly dramatized for effect, illustrates what many believe is the future of banking. It’s mobile banking, or m-banking, which enables mobile phone users to access basic financial services even when they are miles away from their nearest branch or home computer. In some parts of the world, such as the Philippines, Brazil and Africa, mobile banking is already flourishing. But in the United States, only about 10 percent of consumers — about 1.7 million people — currently use their cell phones to conduct bank transactions. That number is expected to grow to 45 million by 2010.
Millions of Africans are using mobile phones to pay bills, move cash and buy basic everyday items. It has been estimated that there are a billion people around the world who lack a bank account but own a mobile. Even Africans with bank accounts often face high charges for moving their cash around. It is this gap in the market that mobile phone banking is targeting.
While the amounts of cash being transferred are often tiny, the sheer volume of business compensates for that, as Pauline Vaughan, head of Kenya’s biggest mobile phone banking service M-Pesa, explains. “We have over seven million customers who have registered for M-Pesa…. Our average transaction is actually less than $40 [£24] – this is the kind of customer we are addressing,” she says. “But in total we are moving in excess of $8.5m per day.”
However, the mobile phone revolution continues to leave large parts of the continent behind. While countries like Kenya, South Africa and much of North Africa are approaching 100% mobile penetration, in Burundi, the Central African Republic, Eritrea, and Rwanda it is less than 30%. Low incomes, illiteracy and large signal black spots are all obstacles to the sale and use of mobile phones. Taxes, which can be as high as 30% in countries like Tanzania and Uganda, are also a disincentive.
Telecom experts say that many African markets remain too risky for mobile phone companies, which have targeted more stable and wealthy countries first.
“What we have seen is cherry-picking in markets like South Africa and much of Francophone North Africa,” says Nigel Hawkins, an independent industry analyst.
“There are concerns [in other countries] about the cost of building infrastructure; there are worries about the non-payment of debt and unstable governments.”
Mobile phone banking is, however, attracting charitable backing. The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation plan to put $12.5m into a programme to extend services to the poor.
But those companies with a firm foothold in their home markets are increasingly looking to expand. With the market in Kenya largely sewn up, M-Pesa is now eyeing neighboring Tanzania and even Ethiopia. South Africa’s MTN recently announced plans for a fully-fledged bank account on mobile phones, with an optional credit card.
The service will be extended to the 20 countries where MTN operates, including Uganda, Nigeria, Cameroon and Ivory Coast, which combined have over 90 million mobile phone users.
Now that Egyptian protesters have pushed Hosni Mubarak into relinquishing power, they want him to return the fortune he and his family allegedly amassed during his 30-year reign. “If we can get back some of the billions stolen, I will be satisfied with our revolution,” one 29-year-old Egyptian told The Washington Post. How much money does Mubarak have — and do the Egyptian people really have a shot at getting it back? Here, a quick guide to the fight over Mubarak’s money:
How much money are we talking about?
Nobody knows for sure. Estimates of the Mubarak family’s wealth go as high as $70 billion — more than Microsoft founder Bill Gates is worth. The breakdown, according to ABC News, includes $17 billion for Mubarak, $10 billion for his second son, Gamal, and $40 billion for the rest of the family. (Watch a Bloomberg report about Mubarak’s great wealth)
Where’s the loot?
Some of it’s tied up in real estate. Mubarak and his sons own property not only in Egypt, but also London, Los Angeles and New York, according to reports cited in The Washington Post. In London, Gamal Mubarak, 47, owns a house in a neighborhood where homes sell for as much as $20 million. As for the rest of the fortune, the family reportedly has billions stashed in foreign banks and offshore accounts.
How did Mubarak get so rich?
He didn’t do it by squirreling away his salary. As president, Mubarak made just $808 per month in 2007 and 2008, according to a Cairo think tank. Mubarak reportedly made his first millions through military contracts during his earlier career as an air force officer. Later his sons allegedly took huge cuts from businesses investing in Egypt, giving favored entrepreneurs virtual monopolies in return, according to The Sunday Telegraph. Other possible sources of wealth: Government corruption and the sale of state companies and land.
Will Egypt be able to get the money back?
Maybe. Switzerland has frozen whatever assets the Mubaraks and their associates still have there, and other countries are under pressure to do the same. Anti-corruption watchdogs are calling for criminal charges against the Mubaraks. A conviction would help banks return the cash. But, according to Britain’s Sunday Telegraph, Mubarak scrambled in his last days in office to hide his assets. “We think their financial advisers have moved some of the money around,” a senior Western intelligence source told the Telegraph. “If he had real money in Zurich, it may be gone by now.”